8th Annual Qualitative/Critical Methods Conference - Critical Methods Society

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Something for nothing
  Paper presented at the 8th Annual Qualitative Methods Conference: "Something for nothing"
1 May to 30 September 2002 (http://criticalmethods.org/p98.mv)
Interpretations of development: Critical research and the development encounter in KwaZulu-Natal
Michael D. Francis
Contact e-mail: [email protected]
Affiliation: Centre for Cultural, Communication and Media Studies, University of Natal


The intent of my paper is to highlight some of the tensions and contradictions involved in researching development. My research methodology is based in ethnographic fieldwork and the idea of being a participant observer. The term participant observer is somewhat ambiguous as it highlights the tension between being a 'community member' and being the 'detached scientific observer'. This tension, coming from Weber's idea of science as a vocation, is resolved, for myself, through the recent work on reverse ethnography and reflexivity in the social sciences. My role as cultural interpreter is very much shaped by own experiences, both prior to and during my research. Moreover, development is performed with the explicit intention of changing lives, which collapses notions of detached observation into the lived realities and daily experiences of both researcher and our 'subjects' of study. Following from recent work done in reverse cultural studies and reflexivity, this study turns the critical gaze back upon myself and the development institutions involved.
Introduction:
Development is very common concept in contemporary South Africa, being used to refer to community projects, to the restructuring of the entire economy, or some 'destination' or 'goal' of the future. The difference between various conceptualisations of development is not solely based on scale but an ontological/epistemological one. To further confuse the issue, development often refers to both process and goal simultaneously, or that one is to lead to the next, that is, that development projects are seen as but a step towards some developed future. What I set out to ask is, not necessarily what the ontological status is, but what different people in different places think of development. I have found, perhaps no great revelations, but that the conflation of concepts of development by some individuals, the separation by others, or even no concept of one or of the other and at times no understanding of the two as even being related leads to confusion and miscommunication. This is especially seen in the on-the-ground lived realities of the people with whom I researched. Development was seen by most as simply a garden here, a school there, or various small-scale enterprises initiated from outside and paid for by external funders. Development rarely meant some abstract notion of the future denoting progress or industrialisation; it was merely a way to get some money injected into the community with the hope that she/he would benefit. This sounds very cynical and, while I confess it is laced with cynicism, it is understandable, as all the years of development have not lifted most people out of their poverty.

The development encounter is a multi-faceted, multi-vocal process and a complex site of contestation. It calls for showing how particular events, an encounter here, a development there, can be woven together with a variety of facts and a battery of interpretations to produce a sense of how things go, have been going, and are likely to go. The development process offers a chance for a more politically engaged scholar to investigate change, planned and unplanned, in order to gain a better understanding of social transformation through development.

It may seem unusual that I am writing about South African development; I am, after all, a Canadian and make no claim to subaltern status. Yet Canada is involved in development the world over, funding and guiding projects, some ridiculous like a snowplough in Swaziland, and some decent like the funding of a travelling museum in Kenya (Wilson, 2001 personal conversation). When I was in Canada, I was bombarded with images of despair and poverty that dominate most media coverage of Africa. I have come to believe that these images propagate certain ideas that are less than flattering and unfair (see Jefferess, 2002 for a detailed critique). Africa is not only a place of despair and poverty, even if much exists. It is also a land of hope and change with real people with real lives, much like ourselves. Images of hope and success are far too often neglected in our sensationalist media and African issues are largely neglected. Africa is neither an archaic land filled with savages in need of enlightenment, nor does it require a healthy dose of western industrialization to solve problems of poverty and disparity.

The community of Ndumo:
This paper is a part of a larger research project critically analysing development projects in the rural community of Ndumo, KwaZulu-Natal that have been implemented by the P.E.A.C.E. Foundation , an acronym for Planning, Education, Agriculture, Community, Environment. Through my work with the P.E.A.C.E. Foundation I have gained access to a community where development is very pervasive and this has given me some insight into the concept of development and opened up certain lines of inquiry. Ndumo is a community in the northeast corner of the KwaZulu-Natal province of South Africa, caught between the borders of Swaziland and Mozambique. It is considered �deep-rural� and the majority of people live by small-scale subsistence farming. The people are widely spread out throughout the area with the �centre� of town consisting of a grocery store, petrol station, bottle store and a new funeral parlor, although on the weekend a large impromptu market springs up and you realize how populated Ndumo really is.

Hints of development spring up around every turn in the road, a new community centre, a water treatment plant, cellular phone tower, new schools and classrooms, much of it obviously quite new. There are also signs of failed development projects, abandoned sisal plantations, empty dry fields that were supposed to be paprika, husks of buildings of unknown purposes, and, worst of all, promises made and never kept.

Development is still a fairly new concept here � yet it is on everyone�s mind and tongue. It is a source of hope for many and frustration for others. Most of the development here has been done by NGOs, the government seems to have forgotten or ignored Ndumo for a long time and is only now starting to show some interest in the community.

I am currently working on some of the P.E.A.C.E. Foundation's current projects, which include a multi-purpose community centre, various school buildings, and a range of potential projects that are still under advisement and conceptualisation phases. My initial involvement was fraught with ambivalence; I kept wondering if �development� was what should be done to truly help these people, and it is a question I keep asking myself everyday. The answer to any such query is never clear or a straightforward yes or no. People�s lives are never so neat and tidy and that is essentially what is being dealt with and changed through development.

The intention of my paper is to highlight some of the tensions and contradictions involved in researching development. My research methodology is based in ethnographic fieldwork and the idea of being a participant observer. The term participant observer is somewhat ambiguous as it highlights the tension between being a 'community member' and being the 'detached scientific observer'. This tension, coming from Weber's idea of science as a vocation (1958) is resolved, for myself, through the recent work on reverse ethnography and reflexivity in the social sciences (Tomaselli, 2001, Marcus and Fischer, 1999). My role as cultural interpreter is very much shaped by my own experiences, both prior to and during my research. Moreover, development is performed with the explicit intention of changing lives, which collapses notions of detached observation into the lived realities and daily experiences of both researcher and our 'subjects' of study/development. Following from recent work done in reverse cultural studies and reflexivity, this study turns the critical gaze back upon the development institutions involved and myself.

Autoethnography:
My first impressions of the community were of a harsh landscape, a far cry from the lush greenery of Durban's subtropical coast. A scarred landscape made ugly by 'progress' and the cheapness and subsequent hollowness of the products of modernity, ubiquitous Coke signs, plastic bags and garbage littering the roadways.

Is it fair to begin here? Earlier?

The plane was beginning its final descent into Johannesburg International Airport, I could almost imagine baboons on the runways...was I really that naive? Not really, just a flight of the imagination, a brief thought I had during landing that I laughingly recorded in a journal. What was true is that I held some very romanticised notions of Africa that may have been just as absurd. I found when I actually went to rural South Africa I was shocked by the scarred land and stark appearance of the buildings.

Do these personal accounts and impressions actually say anything salient about the development process? Should it be more formal with sterile accounts about the lack of rubbish collection, and the cheapness of the buildings? Is 'cheapness' not a pejorative term? Can I truly avoid pejorative terms entirely, and is it necessary to do so when writing for an academic audience?

Even after numerous trips some of my first impressions still feel very real. Signs of development projects litter the landscape, most of these seem to be failures, a 'dead elephant' lying in the bush. Instead of bones one sees concrete blocks and roofless buildings with vacant and broken windows. The future of development looks bleak from certain angles, from most angles. Wherever development looks promising, I am reminded by all the failures scattered about the community.

What is one to make of all this? Am I allowed the freedom to write about my subjectivities, my gut responses, if you will, to development and the community? The ideas of reverse cultural studies and reflexivity call for one to challenge their subjectivities, but what of actually recording them upfront and blatantly? When writing of my fieldwork experiences in my thesis should I include personal judgments and feelings that I have while doing research? Is this not a more honest way of representing my subjectivities instead of talking of reflexivity and imbedding subjectivities or attempting to circumvent them once they are acknowledged? What of the fact that I disliked some of the people involved in development, for what I perceived as themselves benefiting at the expense of others, or that I hated when people asked me for money?

The disquiet of (development) research:
The community in which I research and work never fails to make me welcome, yet I am invariably left with a distinct feeling of 'otherness', which leaves me uncomfortable. This discomfort is not only felt in the stares of children, or calls of "Nangu lo Mlungu"(there's a white man), but in my writing and the work I do. I question if I am only taking and not giving back anything or only giving back very little to the community. Working with a development agency that keeps selling me as an 'expert' on development, despite my protestations, leaves me disquieted and feeling ineffectual. This feeling is compounded by the very real needs of the majority of people in the community. Furthermore, do I compromise my ethics, personal and professional, by working with an agency that is attempting to enact social change? The ambivalence that I feel towards my involvement in development and my refusal to have my presence removed from my text, are what impels me to use reverse cultural studies and reflexivity while performing my research and in composing this text. Through this process I make myself and the development NGO part of my research and allow the subjects of research to contribute to analysis of development and to critique our involvement in their community.

When I state it as such it sounds easy for our 'informants' or 'subjects' to critique the development process. My role as developer gives me a specific power position and, whether I like it or not, it is very much real. When I talk to people and I ask for their critique of development and my NGO, I rarely get any coherent answers if any at all. Most answers are something along the line of "the foundation has done a lot here..." which strikes me as exceedingly neutral or "no, no, no you have done good things, you're very much needed here." There seems to be some fear expressed about saying anything negative about the development projects. The fear being that we will leave and quit bringing in development projects to the community. I cannot help but wonder if I will ever get any critique of development from the people themselves or will it only come from my observations. The lack of critique may be very revealing in and of itself.

I had intended to bring my unfinished thesis to all those interviewed and discussed. The more I think about this I doubt that I will. Is there any guarantee that any reinterpretations of what people have said to me or what I have said about people will become clearer through this process? Michael Agar did such a thing and he found that it was so edited by the people that it was useless as "they turned it into mush"(1996: 16). While critiques of my representations, both of the people and the community, may yet be forthcoming, I wonder if I am critical of the development process; will my development colleagues object to my writing, and if they do, what then? Will I have to restructure my thesis to be in line with their thoughts on the subject? Perhaps I can include both in contrast and let my readers decide, which may not be a welcome approach by those marking my thesis. In attempting to bring my research back to a community with a large number of people, illiterate or only semi-literate, what potential is there for them to give me feedback and to analyse my representations of them? I could attempt to overcome this by only discussing those parts that pertain to specific individuals, which then leaves the overall image out and is once again a partially selected representation.

During my research I have also come across an incident that, while not illegal, is somewhat shady, as one individual has used development to greatly benefit himself at the cost of others (Francis, 2002). Do I want him to know that I know this? Will he be angry that I choose to use this knowledge as it shows him in a negative light? Another problem in this case is that due to the prominence of this man in the community if I anger him and he chooses not to be involved in current projects the NGO may have difficulty in the future. Questions such as these are complex and no easy answers can be elucidated. If I leave out unflattering images then do I obscure what is actually happening?

Often in academic circles scholars put forth images of the expert and write with the surety of scientific knowledge. I find that when doing fieldwork it is more of a muddle and struggle to find that coherence and then I question the whole process of making it coherent. What is often portrayed as such may actually be contradicted the next time I do fieldwork. Writing about other people's lives is quite a difficult process and is at best only a partial and selected representation. I intend to be as fair as possible and to portray events and people within the context in which they are living. The context is 'fleshed-out' through fieldwork experiences.

The Fieldwork experience:
The fieldwork experience is somewhat romanticised in anthropological texts with tales of mis/adventure, humorous accounts of misunderstandings or cultural blunderings, exotic locations and the like (For example see Barley, 1995 or Raybeck, 1996). In my experience it is a mix of all these things, humorous events, personal encounters that touch your life, sharing life experiences, making new friends and so on. What is left out of the accounts is the loneliness compounded by lack of language skills, boredom, frustration at people to fail to keep appointments, misrepresentations of what is happening (community politics and social strife), and the simple longing to be home and comfortable. I realize that much of this personal strife hardly makes for good reading and for the sale of books. Junior anthropologists and field researchers hardly want to know the gritty details of life in the field that can really bog down the fieldworker, and ethnographic texts are written as coherent wholes, with the mess and chaos of everyday life left out or streamlined into coherence. I wonder where my fieldwork begins and ends. Is it only when I actually am 'doing research', discussing events at the office of the development agency or when we are on site where the projects are being implemented? I acknowledge that my research is shaped by prior experiences; do I include such events that contribute to what I think and believe?

The actual ambiguities and contradictions of lived realities make for difficult writing. My entire field notes are a jumble of quotes and descriptions of various encounters and their only coherence is chronological and even that gets twisted as I forget my field notes at home or rework initial understandings and events in light of further research. Questions plague me as to how a thesis will arise out of the mess.

I wonder at the relevance of what I record and especially what I select for my thesis. Have I left out something important? Have I missed the point entirely? Are my representations fair? Can they ever truly be? There are so many questions that run through my head as I write and research. I am aware that my thesis will only ever include selective bits and pieces taken from here and there and brought together, somewhat artificially, to make a coherent account of development and the development encounter. As Clifford Geertz asks, "what gives us the right to study them? When we speak of others in our voice do we not displace and appropriate theirs? Is a representation of others free of the play of power and domination in any way possible? Does it all come down to who writes whom" (1995: 107)?

These issues are echoed by my colleagues as they struggle through their own fieldwork experiences in the Kalahari (Tomaselli, 2001; 2002; Tomaselli and Shepperson, 2002; Dyll, 2002; Mclennan-Dodd, 2002). While we work as a community as scholars and share these experiences with one another as we try to arrive at some sense of what is going on, despite all the changes to ethnographic practices and the new issues that have been raised, "they all boil down to the same old problem of one human trying to figure out what some other humans are up to" (Agar, 1996: 2). The people we study and our interactions with them are part of a world in transformation, what we are left to deal with is ongoing processes of change. Meaning and contexts are not fixed and the power that gives these meanings and contexts some coherence or, in the least, some salience must be included. This results in highly fractured accounts that cannot fully explain the lives of those we research amoung/with, yet we say something salient about their situations nonetheless through the experiences we relate.

What of actually doing ethnography? Agar (1996: 31) outlines some of the key characteristics as: 1) I was there; 2) something happened that I did not understand; 3) find out what 'it' was. This seems so simple when it is portrayed in such terms, but is anything but. Trying to figure out what it is that you are trying to understand involves a whole iterative process till we comprehend what 'it' is. This process leads to new discoveries, new points to be discovered and so on. Agar refers to these as "rich points", they are points of entry into inquiry and to understanding and as they connect to other points they create new areas of inquiry.

Here is an example of my own ethnographic process of inquiry and understanding. I wish to be clear that my understanding represents a partial view and there exists more detail and there is much more research to be done here. During my forays into this community I got to know a number of young men and discussions ensued around girlfriends and eventual marriage. My understanding of lobola (bride price) to be paid to the family upon marriage, comes straight from old ethnographies and these still seem to be correct in most details (Krige, 1957; Felgate, 1982). I am not countering these texts, but dumping the concept of contemporary lobola into modernisation and development. This is not to be funny as it really seems to relate.

0n three separate encounters different men told me that they wanted to marry a white girl. When I began to inquire why, out of curiosity and not for research as it seemed to be very unrelated, it seems that a "white girl" was being seen as a way to escape not only payment of lobola, but also as a way to access wealth. To these men "white" was equated with wealth (not unfairly in the South African context). One of them wanted to be absolutely sure that he would not have to pay lobola on a white girl, because he felt if he could not afford a Zulu girl then he could not afford a white girl. I reassured him that it was not the case where I come from (Canada), and as far as I knew it was not necessary for white South Africans.

This whole process of inquiry began opening up more areas of research. Young men in such a poor area cannot afford lobola of 11-17 cattle, which seems to be the standard rate. Development was seen as a potential area to gain access to either a white girl or to employment to pay for lobola. I was also questioned on my religious and moral beliefs in the ensuing conversations. "Do you think it's wrong to have a child out of wedlock?" and so forth. There was a real concern that with poverty so well entrenched here that the only way to avoid or to overcome the obstacle of lobola was to marry a white girl, therefore no lobola, or gain employment through a development agency or project, to pay lobola, or to just live together without marrying to avoid lobola.

All sorts of moral conundrums were expressed pertaining to what would their family think if they married a white girl or lived with their desired spouse without marrying. It was all very comic in a way and we had many laughs over the topic, yet I detected a hint of tragedy. There seems to be a large group of young men who really want to get married and get on with their lives, have children start their own household and the whole gamut. There was frustration about living at home and no means to access wealth to start something really important to them.

What I interpret as going on here, is that there is a growing body of young men entering the marrying age for their community who are unable to pay lobola. This is not to entrench the idea that marriage is merely an economic arrangement in the Zulu culture. The inability to pay lobola is also coupled to the lack of economic means to support a family or to move out of their parents home. This can be 'read' as a statement of poverty in the region and of frustration with the current state of affairs. Some of these young men expressed a desire to escape the situation, such as marrying a white girl, and others sought out the development agency as a means of securing employment and therefore some access to economic means. The desire of these young men for development to occur seems to be growing. Many of them are seeking educational opportunities and are articulating their own notions of what the future should look like. As sad as the situation appears to be, some of these young men are breaking away from the dependency that is so associated with development. There is still a huge issue surrounding dependency and this can be seen in the commodification of relationships between developers/recipients.

The relationship I have as researcher with this community raises issues pertaining to the commodification of my relationship. Issues of representation aside, I cannot help feel that there is some form of commodification to my relationship with whom I interact. My involvement with an NGO, which has brought numerous projects into this community, brings some sort of baggage that may be hard to shed, if not impossible. Then again does it even need to be shed?

Many of the people who approach me to discuss development end up by asking me for some funding of a project or ask how they can get involved with my NGO, especially to get employment. During one such fieldwork encounter a young man approached me to discuss what it is that I am researching and where I am from and so on. This encounter all began very benignly, we talked about the community and the current development projects going on. He showed me the community garden in which he worked and we discussed problems they encountered and potential problems and the like. At the end of our talk he propositioned me to further fund the garden project so they could expand the irrigation system and buy more seeds. After I declined this 'invitation', I had expected to see no more of him due to my refusal or inability to help them. Instead this man kept visiting and discussing all sorts of community issues, from HIV/Aids to poverty and the lack of jobs. He expressed interest in volunteering with this NGO and asked how long would he have to volunteer till we gave him a job. Another refusal to assist him still did not deter him.

The following day he took another researcher and myself to meet his grandfather which became a cultural tourism event where we were given sweet potatoes and they dressed in 'traditional' Zulu gear and talked of history and Zulu culture. We were encouraged to take a lot of photographs and he discussed the prospect of cultural tourism in the area. A colleague of mine had mentioned cultural tourism as a possibility the week prior and he wanted to show me that it was possible. I was really concerned that this event we had witnessed would carry a price tag for all we had seen and the photographs we took. I decided then that I would pay what they asked and never deal with this person again if I could avoid it.

It turns out is that there was no charge asked for or expected and it was a gesture of friendship and of sharing. I felt really awful for the thoughts I had about the commodification of our entire relationship. While there may have been some aspects of commodification, in the form of future projects that we could fund and the role they could play as performers in cultural tourism. It probably is more fair to view this as an active engagement with development and a self or community created idea for a potential project. Instead of feeling uneasy about this aspect of my relationship I became heartened to see self-created ideas for development and a positive outlook for the future.

I cannot feel anger or disdain for attempting to gain from our friendship; after all I was extracting information to write my thesis. The commodification, while not so salient with an assigned value, was on both our parts. I had only really noticed that he was attempting to gain, while ignoring my own gains from the community.

Doing research in a community and therefore gaining from their lives is a contentious prospect in many academic circles. The image of the 'other' becomes something to be created, extracted and commodified. The San are used to sell cars and other products (Tomaselli, 2002: 2), Zulu culture is sold by Protea Hotels to tourists in Shakaland (Wang, 2001), and various cultural artifacts are sold on roadways and in markets as tourist trinkets. These activities do benefit individuals through employment, but there is concern about what image is being re-presented and who is it that benefits. Surrounding this whole topic are issues of domination of cultures and cultures of domination.

Ethnographic research:
Ethnographic research has come a long way since Bronislaw Malinowski and his initial ideas on participant observation (1922). As George Marcus and Michael Fischer see the role of contemporary anthropologists;
in exploring new ways to fulfill the promises on which modern anthropology was founded: to offer worthwhile and interesting critiques of our own society; to enlighten us about other human possibilities, engendering an awareness that we are merely one pattern among many; to make accessible the normally unexamined assumptions by which we operate and through which we encounter members of other cultures (Marcus and Fischer 1999, ix).
When we take this role of the anthropologist and turn it towards the problematic nature of development, we can then begin to challenge the supposed 'naturalness' of the development process.

What I am researching is neither the development agency through which I work nor is it the community I work in, but the interface between the two. Arturo Escobar refers to this as the development encounter (1991, 1995), and this encounter is what I study. To use participant observation in such a scenario stretches the initial concept, I neither live with the group being studied nor do I have proficiency in the language. My status as participant is through my role in working with the development NGO and our interaction with the recipients. I feel that it is unnecessary to live full-time amongst this group because they are not explicitly what I am studying. Instead I study the 'space' between the two. There is a third culture created in this 'space', not in so much as something new or even something that is necessarily coherent, as culture is often portrayed as being, but a discourse. This discourse is both Michel Foucault's (1972) notion that discourse is inextricably tied to power relations and to the idea of discourse as a conversation, a dialogue between groups as meaning is negotiated.

The reflexive nature of anthropology, when turned towards my involvement seems to ask more questions than it may answer. I do not presume that anthropology can answer all questions that arise; the human experience is fundamentally ambiguous. Despite not having solid answers, many of these questions can and must be addressed. These ambiguous experiences can be resolved in more than one way which allows human agency a range of possibilities.

So what does this mean for ethnography?

Ethnography is not simply a collection of the exotic 'other', it is reflective of our own lives and cultural practices even when discussing another culture. It is the use of cultural richness for self-reflection and growth. Instead of questioning why people react as they do, we must ask about the reality associated with our own society. "By turning the question this way we allow the anthropologist's informants the privilege of explicating and publicizing their own criticisms of the forces that are affecting their society - forces which emanate from ours" (Taussig 1980, 6). Taussig�s work is more of a critique of colonialism and capitalism than of his own personal interaction, although there is definitely an element of personal narrative involved in coming to that understanding (See Taussig, 1987). The nature of this interpretation is less of a truth and more of a reflection and comparison filtered through our own culture.

Other authors take their personal accounts as the heart of their research, where they use cultural reflexivity to "bend back on self and look more deeply at self-other interactions" (Ellis and Bochner, 2001: 740). The interaction between the researcher and their subject/s is highlighted through personalised narrative, written in the first person, and accompanied by personal anecdotes. It is seen as a "radical transformation in the goals of our work - from description to communication" (Ellis and Bochner, 2001: 748).

There have been gains made allowing for the marginalised to speak and the community to have some real input into development, but too often assumptions are made about the equality of the participants, where status, gender, age or class, to name a few of the possible categories, are ignored or brushed aside. I find that doing development research can be somewhat disquieting, shaking beliefs and raising many questions as to exactly what it is I am doing.

Conclusion:
Clifford Geertz once said about his interpretation of culture, "whether or not it explains everything is irrelevant; what it does explain is something..."(Geertz, 1973: 4). In short this quote sums up my thoughts on doing critical research. The reason I feel this way is that research is always an open-ended question, or series of questions. The more research that is performed in one place opens up further research opportunities and raises more questions. This becomes even more salient when one is studying social change and human phenomena. I said above that the development encounter is a multi-faceted, multi-vocal process and a complex site of contestation. This is not to say that it is an untenable issue best forgotten. Development is a social construction that can be made anew; made anew with the people most affected, incorporating their understandings, their hopes and their ideas. My inquiries into development tore open an entire moral/ethical dilemma that has been further compounded by the interpersonal nature of ethnographic research.

Yet it is this interpersonal aspect of my involvement in the community that has resolved most of my ethical issues. The people do not want to be forgotten and have welcomed my presence and forgiven any cross-cultural blunders I may have made. Hopefully other people involved in development and social research will read this and challenge their own presumptions about social change and what it is they are actually researching. Despite being unable to explain everything some questions have been answered or at least addressed in part. Others have arisen that will be left open ended as things change they may need to be redressed and agendas changed. This is especially true of moral and ethical questions as they cannot be answered in unequivocal terms of right or wrong; they are negotiated on an ongoing basis. I am also sure that many of my readers will have questions of their own.

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 Peer reviews of this paper appear below.
Review 1

This paper is a good example of how development researchers can use reverse ethnography to become accountable and reflective of their development practice and theory. Michael Francis's autoethnographic study is about the tensions and contradictions that he experienced in researching development as a student doing ethnographic fieldwork in a rural community in South Africa. He writes congruently about his development experiences, and gives vivid reflections of his impressions of development work during his fieldwork, e.g.

"Signs of development projects litter the landscape, most of these seem to be failures, a 'dead elephant' lying in the bush".

He asks pertinent questions that development workers often keep quiet about, including the following:

If 'development' was what should be done to truly help these people.

Am I allowed the freedom to write about my subjectivities � actually recording them up front?

What of the fact that I disliked some of the people involved in development, for what I perceived as themselves benefiting at the expense of others�?

How to deal with the discomfort of "my distinct feeling of 'otherness'"

How "the (community members') fear � about saying anything negative about the development projects" obstructs critique.

Should one share one's critical thesis writing with community members and how should their suggested changes (and misrepresentations) be included into the text?

Where does my fieldwork begin and end?

What is the relevance of what I record, and who decides that?

He furthermore reflects critically on some of the interpersonal dimensions of development, i.e. how development is used by both recipients and developers for gain of some sorts, and how development relationships may be commodified and mistrusted (or not). He finally concludes that his experiences mean for theory building that ethnography is reflective of our own lives and cultural practices and that development is an open-ended, social construction that can be made anew.

Michael's paper contributes to a small but growing number of reflexive development studies on moral/ethical dilemmas in development work .

In the version that I saw it, the paper still required some editing. Although a little messy, I like Michael's writing style that starts from I messages and from personal perspectives. I suggest that he edit the first two paragraphs of his paper, which to a reader (like me) may seem to be coming from an objective/authoritarian writing style. Perhaps he could change this by changing his statements to I statements, or even by deleting the first two paragraphs (what would the paper loose or gain by doing this?). The third paragraph strikes me as a very good opening. I also wonder if the sentence "This study is a critical analysis of development projects�." is really what Michael meant about what he attempted . This sentence seems incongruent with his intention, which he expressed very well in the last paragraph on page 2. Perhaps he could move this paragraph up, just before "The community of Ndumo , and change the problematic sentence to for example "I did my fieldwork in � with�".

Annalie Pistorius

 
Review 2
Francis, MD Interpretations of development

Reviewed by Murray Hofmeyr ([email protected])

The paper once again illustrates the difficulties surrounding the concept and practice of "development". A Canadian comes to South Africa to do development in deep rural areas, in the process engaging in ethnographic research towards an academic qualification. The locals, when asked for criticism regarding his and his organisation's role, do not want to offend him because he represents a line of contact, however thin, to a more prosperous world. That is the cynical view, and the author knows there is enough to be cynical about. But he also receives gifts, and it might be that people do not mind his presence, even enjoy it. He has interesting stories to tell, no doubt, and through his questions give occasions to self-reflection and self-affirmation. He might not be an expert in development, as his NGO (I can hear NT's enthusiasm) makes him out to be, but he does represent a world for which we do not actually exist. So having him around makes us not to feel totally forgotten.

The strong point of the paper is that it vividly describes the dilemma of development as it is often understood in South Africa - a project here, an initiative there, while the kind of development that will make a difference will have to be on the scale of Nepad and the spatial development initiatives of the South African government in conjunction with SADC. Whether that is feasible, within a neo-liberal economic framework, is another question. In the meantime lives go on in deep rural areas. When American Peace Corps volunteers visit me with similar frustrations here where I live in another deep rural area, I often try to explain that maybe their aims are too high. Maybe it is already a lot, more than most can manage, to learn to see the world from the perspective of deep rural people, and to allow yourself to be transformed in the process, so that you return to the US a changed person, with insight into a different perspective, and maybe even as an adherent to perspectivism. If the people you meet in the foreign country also benefit in the process, through gaining a friend, or access to information, or by being affirmed as worthwhile for a visit against the tide of constant reminders that life is elsewhere, so much the better. The paper gives insight into the changes that are taking place in the views of the author as he is progressively exposed to the frustrations of poverty and powerlessness. To really turn ethnography and cultural studies around to allow the affected to criticize "the forces that are affecting their society - forces which emanate from ours" (Taussig quoted on p. 8) - that would be progress.

The weak point of the paper is that it does not describe "cultural reflexivity" or "reverse ethnography" in sufficient detail. One gets an idea of what these are from how he practices them, but a sounder theoretical underpinning would have been helpful to the uninitiated reader. Personally I would also have liked a more sustained theoretical critique of "development". A useful collection in this regard is Rahnema, M & Bawtree, V (eds) The Post-Development Reader. London; New Jersey: Zed Books; Halifax, Nova Skotia: Fernwood; Cape Town: David Philip. I especially like the contributions of Zaoual and N'Dione et al. The experiences of N'Dione and his collaborators in Senegal are extremely relevant to our context. They formulate an alternative to the usual criteria of what constitutes "being developed": the level of people's integration in their natural and spiritual environment, and the quality of relationships within communities. In this light poverty and wealth must be redefined: "One becomes rich by taking advantage of the many canals that irrigate and diversify knowledge and wisdom, and stimulate mutual discoveries and recognition. People themselves are the main means for making this synergy work: hence the importance of supporting dynamic processes that rehabilitate people in all their dimensions, and that also rehabilitate relationships between themselves and their surroundings." (N'Dione et al in Rahnema & Bawtree 1997:369). More or less what Michael Francis is finding out.

There are still a few errors: "The following say" should read "day". "where we given sweet potatos" lacks a "were", (both p. 7) and a few more.

Review 3

This work highlights some problematic aspects of reflexivity that are often taken for granted as naturally inscribed in qualitative methodology. It remains true to critical practice insofar as he returns every time to look back and reflect upon the process and his position, origins, assumptions and probable outcomes. In doing so he provides a unique insight into the critical research process that is riddled with questions and uncertainties that are not for the faint-hearted. However, he demonstrates a critical ethical stand that is so often evaded by intellectualised attitudes or theorising. In this sense Michael Francis�s account of the research process is particularly successful in its attempt to enlighten because his report contains the traces of the actual critical thinking process with its doubts and self-reflections, and at the same time provides a multi-levelled analysis of his experiences and the experiences of others as he saw them, thus trying to place them in a context that does not pretend to be the account of a neutral observer.

- Agnes Pinteaux
Review 4
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29 Aug 2002 - Revised and updated version now posted. - Michael Francis
27 Aug 2002 - - Romieo and Julet
21 Aug 2002 - Thanks bro - Michael
20 Aug 2002 - Didn't know you used such big words when writing Michael. Interesting paper though, good luck with your thesis. - Robert Francis
9 Jul 2002 - Interesting... - Sue V.
4 Jul 2002 - I'd be interested to hear more about "reverse ethnography" and "reverse cultural studies"... - Martin